Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 164

Lieutenant General Uemura Hikonojo's face turned red, but he ultimately remained silent. Togo Heihachiro and Saito Minoru spoke up in defense of Lieutenant General Uemura, arguing that the Russian fleet's achievements in the commerce raiding should not be attributed to Lieutenant General Uemura's mistakes. Saito Minoru even said emotionally, "The public doesn't understand the situation. As the Chief of the Naval General Staff, don't you understand Lieutenant General Uemura's grievances?"

The young officers of the fleet, who had previously been swayed by grand strategy theories, were united once again by Vice Admiral Uemura and expressed their dissatisfaction with Kawahara Yoichi's actions on this matter.

Kawahara Yoichi glanced at Uemura Hikonojo with sympathy, then changed his tune, saying, "Lieutenant General Uemura has indeed been wronged. The public should be angry at someone else. The Russian fleet's activity around the Japanese archipelago has led to public dissatisfaction with the navy and greatly damaged its image. Therefore, the Naval General Staff conducted a thorough investigation into this incident to find out why the Russian fleet was able to be so active. As a result, we discovered some problems during the investigation, Vice Minister Togo."

As Kawahara Yoichi called his name, Togo Masamichi pushed the file bag next to him into the middle of the tatami mat, and then calmly said, "According to our investigation, the Russian fleet's activity around the Japanese archipelago is not because they found a loophole in the navy's security network around the archipelago, but because our radio communication network has malfunctioned. Due to the failure of some radio stations, the Uemura fleet was unable to obtain the Russian fleet's movements in a timely manner, which caused the chaos."

Our investigation into these radio station malfunctions revealed that, aside from some caused by poor maintenance by staff, more than half of the problems stemmed from faulty components… Based on these findings, the radio research institute was found to be rife with corruption. It was their corruption and incompetence that prevented the Uemura Fleet from timely intercepting the Russian fleet's movements, thus causing public distrust of the navy…”

Uemura Hikonojo wasn't excited that the Naval General Staff had cleared his name. Instead, he glanced at Saito with concern. Sure enough, Saito's face turned ashen, but he could only remain silent. In contrast, Uemura would rather continue to bear the blame himself, because it would only affect him personally, while the corruption case at the Radio Research Institute could shake the authority of the Navy Ministry.

The room fell silent again, but this silence was different from the previous one. It was like the calm before a storm, as if a violent tempest was about to break. A sense of oppression filled the air. Didn't you see that Yamamoto Kaisei, sitting at the head of the table, had a face as black as the bottom of a pot?

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had only one thought in his mind: should he forcefully end the meeting? When Togo Masamichi presented the investigation report on the radio research institute, he knew that the Navy Ministry had already lost this struggle; the only question now was how much. If he stood idly by, the Navy Ministry would inevitably be shaken up. But if he resisted forcefully, the case would no longer be limited to internal naval struggles. Kawahara's decision to bring up this case at this time clearly indicated that he wanted to confront him.

If it weren't for the debate over the future direction of the Navy, Kawahara's actions would simply be seen as sabotage that disregards the overall interests of the Navy. Whose interests are at stake? The Eight-Eight Fleet project, which he spearheaded, is the Navy's overall interests. However, Kawahara has a new direction in hand, and his current actions are aimed at addressing the corruption within the Navy, clearing obstacles for the sake of this new direction.

Because of the conflict between the two sides in the Navy, it is impossible for the centrists to stand up and support him at this time. After all, no matter who falls, someone else can lead the Navy forward. So why would they step in and offend one side? Choosing the wrong side can have serious consequences.

What made Yamamoto Gonnohyōe hesitate was his uncertainty about whether confronting Kawahara now would truly suppress him. Without the support of a middle force, confronting Kawahara on such an obviously unreasonable corruption case would only increase Kawahara's prestige within the Navy, rather than alienating him from everyone.

Even someone like Uemura Hikonojo, a close associate of Satsuma, wouldn't support him in this case. After all, Uemura had to consider the feelings of the officers and men of the Second Fleet. Kawahara was investigating the radio communications corruption case under the banner of overturning the Second Fleet's case. Could the Second Fleet refuse Kawahara's goodwill? That would be repaying kindness with enmity.

Just as the atmosphere in the room was becoming increasingly tense, Ito Sukeyuki suddenly spoke up, saying, "We've been in this meeting for so long, why don't we all take a break and have something to eat before continuing our discussion?"

Ito's speech quickly garnered support from admirals who did not want a split within the navy. The so-called temporary break was essentially a small meeting between Ito, Yamamoto, and Commander-in-Chief Kawahara, with no objections raised. At this juncture, a compromise reached by the navy's upper echelons was the best possible outcome for the navy. However, this also formally established a new three-way power structure within the navy, with Commander-in-Chief Kawahara finally becoming one of the navy's decision-makers.

Kawahara Yoichi was quite satisfied with the situation. He himself had not expected to reach this position in such a short time. At this moment, he understood where Saigo Tsugumichi's power came from. It did not come from the position of Minister of the Navy, but from the expectations of the people.

As the three naval leaders held a closed-door meeting, Fujii Kyouichi, who was admiring the snow scene in the courtyard, said to his colleague with concern, "If we can't reach a conclusion in this meeting, what will become of the navy? With Yamamoto's temperament, he might not be willing to bow down to Chief of Staff Kawahara."

Kato Tomosaburo and Shimamura Hayao both looked helpless after hearing this. Fujii's words were exactly what they were worried about. However, no one could decide what outcome the three inside would reach, since there was no one in the Navy who could force the three inside to bow down.

Unwilling to answer the question, Shimamura Hayao forcibly changed the subject, saying, "Kato, do you think a grand strategy is feasible? Can Japan, China, and India really form an Asian alliance?"

After a moment of contemplation, Kato Tomosaburo said, "Don't you think that in this plan, the positions of Japan and the United States can actually be interchanged?"

Shimamura and Fujii both looked at Kato Tomosaburo with some surprise, only to see him explain while thinking: "Lieutenant Hayashi is emphasizing the confrontation between the New World and the Old World, not the confrontation between Japan and Britain and the United States."

He had essentially implied that as long as the current Anglo-Japanese Alliance remained in place, and Japan became part of the Old World, the United States, constrained by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, would inevitably join the New World camp. Japan wanted to use Britain's power to restrain the United States from controlling the Pacific, so the United States would naturally choose to use China and India to restrain the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, ultimately seeking hegemony in the Pacific.

Therefore, the grand strategy was actually only aimed at Britain and France. As for other countries, they could freely choose between the Old World and the New World camps. Our main purpose in standing on the side of the New World was not to confront Britain and France, but to prevent the United States from siding with the New World, because the contradictions between Japan and the United States in the Pacific were irreconcilable.

Therefore, the key issue is not how Japan, China, and India can form an Asian alliance, but rather how Japan should prevent the formation of an alliance between the US, Japan, and India. These three populous nations together account for almost half the world's population; could the Anglo-Japanese Alliance truly counter such an alliance? This doesn't even take into account the anti-British and French forces in Europe.

Kato's words silenced his colleagues. Indeed, this wasn't a one-way choice for Japan, but rather a mutual choice among nations. The Grand Strategy might seem to offer Japan only one possibility, but it actually reveals the inevitability of the future world's old and new camps. Japan can only choose to join one of them, rather than indulging in the arrogant dream of conquering the world single-handedly.

Everyone looked anxiously into the room where the three leaders were meeting. The conflict between the old and new lines within the Navy had now been laid bare. Even if Minister Yamamoto could suppress this internal strife with his power, how long could he hold out? The new line wouldn't be so easily suppressed, because as the world situation developed, it would gain more and more support within the Navy. At that time, how would those of Minister Yamamoto's faction position themselves?

Chapter 571

The meeting between Ito Sukeyuki, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, and Kawahara Yoichi lasted for about 40 minutes. When the three reappeared in the main hall, the naval officers noticed that their expressions had calmed down considerably, indicating that the three had finally reached a compromise.

When the meeting resumed, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, as expected, announced the conclusion: "Regarding the corruption case at the Radio Research Institute, the Navy Ministry will establish a special task force to investigate. In addition, all departments of the Navy will conduct self-examinations of their accounts over the years. In order to prevent such cases that damage the interests and image of the Navy from happening again, the Generals' Council will establish annual budget audit committees for each department to regularly audit the accounts of each department."

As the highest decision-making body of the Navy, the Generals' Conference should assume more responsibility. To this end, the Generals' Conference will also make certain adjustments to ensure that representatives from all departments of the Navy participate in the conference. In principle, each central department should have 8 representatives, each naval base should have 6 representatives, and each fleet should have 7 representatives.

The discussions at this meeting regarding the future development of the Navy were beneficial. The Naval General Staff should prepare a preliminary plan based on these discussions and submit it to the Generals' Council for review… As the content of these discussions concerns the future development path of the Navy, all of you are strictly prohibited from discussing the meeting content with others after you return, even among the participants…”

After Yamamoto Gonnohyōe announced the decision of the three-person meeting, he hastily concluded the meeting. The attending officers did not express any objections, but everyone understood that the Navy Ministry bureaucrats led by Yamamoto-Saito had lost face significantly at this meeting.

The Ministry of the Navy was forced to relinquish its authority to review departmental budgets and final accounts, and Minister of the Navy Yamamoto also relinquished more power to the Generals' Council. The Generals' Council now truly resembled a supreme naval decision-making body. The central government ministries no longer needed to be so subservient to the Ministry of the Navy; they finally had a channel to voice their opinions. Previously, the Generals' Council's decisions ultimately had to be implemented through the Ministry of the Navy; otherwise, such resolutions were merely empty words. Without budgets and staffing from the Ministry of the Navy, who could carry out the Generals' Council's resolutions?

With the authority to review budgets and final accounts, the Generals' Council could finally be considered a decision-making body. Considering that the Generals' Council itself had the authority to review personnel appointments and dismissals, this highest decision-making council of the Navy was now truly deserving of its name. And the Minister of the Navy paid such a high price to bring the Radio Research Institute case back to the Ministry of the Navy for punishment, thus at least protecting the bureaucrats of the Ministry of the Navy.

This exchange was a relief for the bureaucrats of the Navy Ministry, but it was hard for the young officers of the Fleet faction to accept. In their view, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was indeed getting old to give up the Navy Ministry's central authority for a small group of corrupt officials.

These younger officers generally don't deal directly with money. Although they receive various allowances from the Navy Ministry, they usually don't investigate whether these allowances are legal or illegal; that's just standard practice. When the Chief of the Naval General Staff investigates corruption within the Navy, as long as there's a valid reason, they won't strongly oppose it. What is the reason? It's that anti-corruption efforts shouldn't be done merely for the sake of anti-corruption.

The Naval General Staff brought up the corruption case at the Radio Research Institute in order to seize control of the Navy's future direction. This was something the younger officers in the fleet could accept. However, as the leader of the mainstream faction in the Navy, how could Minister Yamamoto give up control of the Navy's future direction just to protect the bureaucrats of a few Navy ministries? How could they still support Minister Yamamoto?

This compromise undoubtedly alienated the younger officers of the fleet from Navy Minister Yamamoto. Although most of them did not want to see an open split within the Navy, it did not mean they were willing to accept a faction that had lost its authority continuing to lead the Navy. This was clearly not in line with the Navy's tradition that only the strong could lead the Navy forward.

Even Saito Makoto couldn't quite understand Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's compromise. Although he admitted that this compromise averted a crisis for the Ministry of the Navy, the blow to their faction was no less than the outbreak of the crisis. At this point, they should have confronted the issue head-on first, and only considered compromise when they could no longer hold out.

On the carriage ride back, Yamamoto Gonbei didn't pay attention to his little thoughts. He stared at the scenery outside the window for a long time before sighing, "If I had known this would happen, I should have listened to Lord Saigo's advice and used Saigo's name to frame him."

Saito Minoru immediately realized who Yamamoto Gonbei was talking about. Before Saigo Tsugumichi fell ill, he had actually considered making Hayashi Nobuyoshi the core of the next generation of the navy, but he and Yamamoto both firmly opposed it because Hayashi Nobuyoshi was too young and not from Satsuma. Naturally, they did not agree to cultivate such an outsider to control the navy.

Although the Saigo family wielded immense influence over the Satsuma clique, the most outstanding Saigo Takamori lineage was branded as traitors and could no longer lead the Satsuma clique. Saigo, in essence, only gained the recognition of the Navy through his brother's reputation. Even so, he was unable to unify the political forces preserved by Oku and could only cooperate with Matsukata Masayoshi.

Yamamoto Gonbei actually wanted to reunite the fragmented Satsuma clique, since only by merging the political legacies of Okubo Toshimichi and Saigo Takamori could it be considered a true Satsuma clique, and only a unified Satsuma clique could suppress the Choshu clique; otherwise, a crippled situation would result. Saigo Tsugumichi's refusal to accept the order to form a cabinet, fearing obstruction from Okubo's faction of bureaucrats, was also a major reason.

To unify the power of the Satsuma clique, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe believed it was necessary to diminish the influence of the Saigō family within the Navy. While he still respected Saigō Tsugumichi's family, he did not want the feud between Saigō Takamori and the Ōkubo family to continue. Therefore, Saigō Tsugumichi's attempt to adopt Hayashi Nobuyoshi was strongly opposed by Yamamoto, who at the time had many supporters.

The result was that the navy lost Saigo but gained Ito, a senior member. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe seemed to have won, yet also seemed to have lost. Judging from today's outcome, Saitō Minoru felt that they had indeed failed.

Compared to the legendary rise of Lin Xinyi from humble beginnings, it would be more fitting to have him associated with Saigo and become the core of the navy's future. After all, the name Saigo represents not only honor and power but also a heavy historical burden. Lin Xinyi not only had to bear the historical grudges with the Okubo faction, but he also couldn't easily escape the navy's sight and go to India. Of course, no one could have imagined that Lin Xinyi was not only bold but also incredibly intelligent.

The air inside the carriage suddenly became heavy. After a long while, Saito Minoru finally spoke, "Have we made too many concessions? If this continues, not only the Naval General Staff, but other agencies will probably demand more power from the Navy Ministry, won't they?"

Yamamoto Gonbei turned his gaze away from the window, scrutinized Saito for a moment, and then said, "Do you think we still have a chance of winning if we really come to a showdown?"

After hesitating for a moment, Saito Minoru said, "Kawahara and the others can't really expose the problems within the Navy, can they? That would make them traitors to the Navy."

Yamamoto Gonbei stared at Saito for a while before shaking his head and saying, "Kawahara is prepared. Even Ito, the elder, can't stop him. He's truly going all in today. I won't take that risk. The navy can't be destroyed in my hands."

Saito Minoru tried to pin his hopes on Kawahara's willingness to save face for the Navy. Even Yamamoto felt that his confidant seemed to be too wishful thinking. However, he also understood Saito Minoru's current mindset. This corruption case was the most serious blow to Saito, which meant that he was out of the running for the next Minister of the Navy. Even if he intervened to save the Ministry of the Navy, this case would become a stain on Saito Minoru's reputation, since he was the Vice Minister in charge of the daily work of the Ministry of the Navy.

Even in the past when the navy was unified, no one wanted someone with a reputation for corruption to serve as the Minister of the Navy. Now that the Kawahara faction has risen, it is even more impossible for them not to make a fuss about the corruption case. Even if Kawahara agrees to let the Ministry of the Navy handle the case itself, it will not prevent Kawahara from using the case to block Saito from ascending to the position of Minister of the Navy.

That's why Saito Makoto so naively hoped that Kawahara's side would confine the struggle to the Navy's internal affairs and not introduce external public opinion to pressure the Navy's internal affairs. However, since they wanted to use power to suppress the corruption case, there's nothing wrong with Kawahara introducing external public opinion, since they also broke the rules.

Saito's naiveté stemmed from a desire to protect his political future. While Yamamoto was displeased, he could understand. If he were in Saito's current position, he would likely be equally anxious. Therefore, he patiently explained to Saito, "You don't need to worry too much. Kawahara can't stay in the navy indefinitely. His proposed new path is ultimately aimed at leaving the navy to form a cabinet. Once he leaves the navy, no one will be able to hinder your future."

Saito Makoto pondered for a moment before realizing what Yamamoto Gonnohyōe meant. The biggest advantage of the new naval policy was that it opened up political avenues for the upper echelons of the navy. If the highest position in the navy used to be the Minister of the Navy, now the position of Prime Minister had emerged above him. Powers that were unthinkable in the past had now become a channel for the navy to continue its ascent.

After thinking it through, he couldn't help but say, "Can Chief of Staff Kawahara really form a cabinet like Elder Ito? The Army and the Diet might not support it, right? Elder Ito was able to form a cabinet because there was a possibility of war with Russia, which is why the Army and the Diet gave our Navy a chance. Will they continue to let the Navy form a cabinet in the future?"

Yamamoto Gonbei nodded and said, "It should be possible. If Hayashi Shinji hadn't devised a cabinet plan for Kawahara, would Kawahara still be so desperate today?"

Saito Minoru was speechless. Indeed, Kawahara's reckless actions today clearly indicated that he was after considerable gains. As he fell silent, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe recalled the terms Kawahara had offered him. During their closed-door meeting, he had initially wanted to linger a little longer, but Kawahara had proposed that if the Minister accepted the Navy's reform plans, he would fully support Minister Yamamoto when the opportunity arose to form the next Navy cabinet.

For Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Kawahara made a proposal that he could hardly refuse. In fact, becoming prime minister was his highest political ideal, but this honor was snatched away by Ito Sukeyuki. With the failure of this naval route struggle, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe also felt that the prime minister's official residence was getting further and further away from him.

Although he knew that Kawahara's suggestion was ill-intentioned, and that the other party simply wanted to kick him out of the Navy to consolidate his own power, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe also understood that this was actually the best outcome for him. While he could hold off Kawahara for a time, he ultimately couldn't stop the younger Togo Masamichi and Hayashi Nobuyoshi. This meant that as more people accepted the Navy's new direction, the collapse of his faction would be even more complete.

Being able to leave the Navy under the guise of forming a cabinet at least allows him to retain some leeway for his faction and prevent it from being completely wiped out by the new faction represented by Kawahara. If he stubbornly refuses to relinquish control of the Navy, the ensuing struggle will only become more brutal, and one of him and Kawahara will inevitably retire in an dishonorable manner.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe knew even better that this suggestion definitely wouldn't have come from Kawahara, because he was just a pure soldier who hadn't even figured out office politics, so he was sent to the Naval Academy to retire. Kawahara, who held the upper hand, would only transfer him to the reserves, not suggest that he leave the Navy by entering politics.

Faced with Hayashi Shin-yi, who was hiding behind Kawahara, Yamamoto Gonbei now truly felt powerless, because he had been cornered by the other party. He could either retire with a promotion or retire from active service in a dishonorable way. Everyone only saw the struggle between Kawahara and him, and no one would pay attention to what Hayashi Shin-yi had done in the process. This meant that he could not even directly attack Hayashi Shin-yi.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe ultimately acquiesced to the deal with Kawahara. Under the witness of Ito Sukeyuki, he would gradually relinquish control of the navy until the opportunity arose for a new naval cabinet. Kawahara would then succeed him as Minister of the Navy and drive reforms within the navy. Of course, he wouldn't tell Saito about this deal, as it essentially meant he was giving up Saito Makoto's position as his successor in the navy.

Yamamoto Gonbei ultimately chose the path most advantageous to himself. Meanwhile, at Ito Sukeyuki's residence, as everyone departed, Ito Sukeyuki and Kawahara Yoichi summoned Hayashi Shinichi again and recounted the promises made by Yamamoto Gonbei.

Ito Sukeyuki was relatively relaxed. Maintaining unity within the Navy was the best outcome for him, since Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was no longer a threat. As for Kawahara Yoichi, he had mixed feelings. He was pleased that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had yielded to him, but he was also worried that this was a delaying tactic and what if Yamamoto changed his mind later.

After listening to the contents of the agreement between the three parties, Lin Xinyi did not offer much comment. Instead, he took out a few pages of paper from his pocket, opened them, and placed them in front of Elder Ito, saying, "Since Minister Yamamoto has compromised, I believe we can proceed with the next step of the plan. We will establish a community of shared interests encompassing military, political, financial, educational, and cultural forces to lay a solid foundation for the future direction of the navy."

Ito Sukeyuki picked up the paper in front of him, glanced at it, and then asked Hayashi Shin-yi with a slightly questioning look, "The Oriental Culture and Arts Foundation? What does that do?"

Lin Xinyi calmly explained, "In the past, the Choshu and Satsuma cliques still needed to gather together to overthrow the shogunate in order to establish an anti-shogunate coalition and a Meiji Restoration government. Therefore, the formation of an interest group should at least have a platform for open discussion."

The Choshu clique was more cohesive than the Satsuma clique because both Yamagata and Itō had formed governments, allowing them to convene meetings of Choshu-origin military personnel and bureaucrats without hesitation, thus forming decisions. However, since the deaths of Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi, the Satsuma clique had lost its foundation for joint deliberation between the military and government, relying instead on personal exchanges between their respective representatives. This led to the increasing division within the Satsuma clique, stemming from a lack of consensus between the military and government.

If the navy wants to organize a government, it cannot avoid dealing with the press, political circles, the palace, the financial world, and the business world. If it only contacts all parties when it comes to forming a cabinet, then there will be a lack of consensus. However, as military personnel, they lack opportunities to contact these forces in normal times.

Therefore, I believe that establishing a foundation to protect traditional East Asian arts and culture, inviting friends from all sides to join, and holding regular communication sessions, even if it's just to discuss the protection of arts and culture, would be beneficial in building a shared understanding. On this basis, forming a cabinet with like-minded individuals to promote economic, political, and cultural endeavors beneficial to the future of the navy seems like a good idea.”

Lin Xinyi paused for a moment, glanced at Kawahara Yao, and then added, "No matter who represents the Navy Organization Cabinet, they will ultimately serve the interests of the Navy. Therefore, they will need the support of this foundation. After all, one person cannot establish a government."

Both Ito Sukeyuki and Kawahara Kaname couldn't help but nod in agreement. Ito Sukeyuki was merely hoping to use the foundation to maintain his influence as a veteran, while Kawahara Kaname thought of something else entirely: even if Yamamoto Gonnohyōe truly left the Navy and became Prime Minister, he would still have to bow down to the foundation, because the foundation represented the various forces cooperating with the Navy, not the cabinet organized by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Kawahara's worries about Yamamoto Gonnohyōe immediately dissipated considerably.

Chapter 572

On February 2, 1908, Ito Hirobumi went to Seoul, Korea as a special envoy. His purpose was to inform the Korean Empire government of the Japanese government's decision on Korea and to force Korea to sign the Japan-Korea Agreement, further colonizing Korea.

On the same day, Kawahara Yoichi, acting as Hayashi Shin'ichi's intermediary, delivered the betrothal gifts to the Ichiki family, thus completing the most important betrothal ceremony before the wedding. The formal wedding date would be held six months later.

Before the Meiji Restoration, Japanese weddings were relatively simple. Commoners and lower-ranking samurai only needed to hold a banquet to complete the wedding ceremony. However, after the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan considered itself a civilized nation, so it held a Shinto-style wedding for the Crown Prince, imitating Western weddings, and weddings gradually became more elaborate.

Meanwhile, Lin Xinyi and Mu Zi finally found a place to settle down. They bought a plot of land in Nagasaka-cho, Azabu Ward, and planned to build a Western-style house there. Although Azabu is located south of the old Edo samurai residence area, it remained largely undeveloped until the Meiji period, remaining a rural area with idyllic scenery of green hills and clear waters. As a result, land prices were much lower than in the Yamanote area to the north and the Shitamachi area to the east.

Hayashi Shin-yi chose Azabu because of its plateau terrain, which provides a much more solid foundation than the reclaimed land of the downtown area, making it less of a concern even in the event of an earthquake. Furthermore, its pristine environment makes it difficult for the infamous fires of the Edo period to spread here. The only drawback is the inconvenience of travel, as Edo's waterways rarely passed through the area.

However, Nagasaka Town has beautiful scenery. Standing on the plateau and looking down, the low-lying flat land is covered with densely packed flat roofs, resembling a hot spring town. Looking northwest from the plateau, there are vast forests and hills, and Mount Fuji can even be vaguely seen. Of course, the most important point is that it is not far from the Ichiki family's home in Akasaka, making it very convenient for Muko to visit her parents' home. Muko's relationship with her adoptive mother, Mrs. Ichiki, is no different from that of a biological mother and daughter.

While Hayashi Shin-yi focused his energy on his personal life, the Katsura Taro cabinet, which was opposed by the public, finally couldn't hold on any longer. On February 10, Prime Minister Katsura Taro submitted his resignation to the Imperial Household. On February 12, the Imperial Household accepted Katsura Taro's resignation, and on February 13, the Imperial Household issued an imperial edict appointing Saionji Kinmochi to form a new cabinet.

On the 14th, Ito Sukeyuki summoned Hayashi Shin-yi to his private residence and asked him about the impact of Saionji's cabinet formation on the Navy. Ito told Hayashi Shin-yi, "Saionji has the support of Ito and Yamagata. Yamagata has always opposed the formation of a government by political parties, but this time he recommended Saionji. Did Yamagata and Ito make a secret agreement?"

Although he has recently focused most of his energy on matters such as engagement and finding a house, Lin Xinyi still confidently replied to Ito Sukeyuki: "I said before that as external threats to Japan decrease, the people will become increasingly dissatisfied with the clan politics, and party politics will become the mainstream. The collapse of the Katsura Taro cabinet shows that ordinary people are trying to make their voices heard in politics, and their strength has indeed shaken the Katsura Taro cabinet."

Although Lord Yamagata disliked party politics, as the leader of the Choshu faction, he was not lacking in political acumen; otherwise, he wouldn't have been able to politically restrain Lord Ito. Given the power unleashed by party politics, it's not surprising that Lord Yamagata chose to recommend Saionji Kinmochi. As for whether he and Lord Ito reached some secret agreement, I think there might have been, but it's not important.

Ito Sukeyuki stared at him wide-eyed and retorted, "If Ito and Yamagata reach a compromise, we simply can't withstand it. How can it not be important?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "Today, neither Marquis Yamagata nor Marquis Ito can reach any compromises based on their own will, because the interests of the factions formed by their supporters are higher than their personal will. If Marquis Yamagata and Marquis Ito think that they can put their personal will above the interests of their factions as before, they will soon suffer a backlash from the factional forces."

Are we, or the political parties that want to overthrow the clan politics behind Yamagata, the main enemies of the Choshu clique? There are inherent contradictions between the bureaucrats and political parties behind Ito, not to mention the political ideology of the party, which advocates for a fully independent party cabinet and rejects interference from the clans. Therefore, the establishment of the Saionji cabinet does not represent a union between the Yamagata and Ito factions, but rather the beginning of an era of political chaos.

Because the old feudal system has been broken, and new rules of party politics have not yet been established, everyone will seek to maximize their personal interests, making it difficult to form a unified interest group. Under these circumstances, the Saionji Cabinet will likely not last long. We should prepare to take over the next government and figure out what key tasks the next cabinet should accomplish to further strengthen our power.

After a long silence, Ito Sukeyuki finally nodded to Hayashi Shin-yi and said, "You need to hurry up with the establishment of the foundation. If Ito comes back, he might find out something..."

On February 17, the Saionji Cabinet was formed. This is a government formed by the union of political parties and bureaucrats. Judging from the cabinet list alone, this cabinet seems to have achieved great unity, with powerful figures from all sides occupying a place in the government.

However, after the cabinet list was announced, the restaurants in Shinbashi were filled with complaints from members of the Seiyukai party. Their discontent stemmed from the fact that while Seiyukai had won 144 seats in the House of Representatives, becoming the largest party, they only secured two seats in the cabinet. Only Hara Takashi and Matsuda Masahisa received ministerial positions, while the others didn't share in the spoils of victory. They felt this party cabinet was a sham.

Taking advantage of this opportunity, Heikichi Ogawa and Yoshimichi Hara contacted disgruntled members of the Seiyukai party and smaller parties within the House of Representatives, establishing a cross-party parliamentary alliance based in the Kanto region. The core of this alliance consisted of members from the Tokyo and Shinshu regions, and the alliance's political ideology was to promote economic development in the Kanto region and establish an industrial economic system in the Kanto region with the Tokyo area as its leader.

On February 18, under strong pressure from Ito Hirobumi, Yi Wan-yong and others signed and announced the Japan-Korea Protection Agreement, which completely stripped the Korean Empire of its diplomatic rights and agreed to allow Japan to establish a Resident-General's Office in Korea to interfere in Korea's internal affairs.

The signing of the Japan-South Korea protection agreement has raised concerns about Japan among countries other than the United Kingdom, particularly the United States and China, both of which have expressed suspicion about Japan's attempt to annex South Korea.

What the United States needs is an open East Asia, which would benefit American industries in expanding their overseas markets and is also the ideological foundation of the US's long-standing Open Door Diplomacy towards China. American capital supported China and Japan in their confrontation with Russia because Russia had shown an intention to monopolize East Asia. However, Japan's annexation of Korea now demonstrates its status as the second country after Russia to attempt to monopolize East Asia, making it impossible for the US government not to suspect the Japanese government's ambitions.

On the Chinese side, the main voices in Wuhan expressed dissatisfaction with Japan's annexation of Korea, believing that Japan, like Russia, had destroyed the pre-war East Asian order. After annexing the Korean Peninsula, was Japan's next target the neighboring Chinese territory?

The Beiyang clique and other forces held conflicting views on Japan's actions. The Beiyang clique remained somewhat wary of Japan, fearing that the Japanese army might remain in Manchuria, but they also did not want to provoke Japan, as they still hoped for financial and military support. After all, the Beiyang clique's biggest enemy at the time was the Wuhan clique within China. As for other forces, while some expressed sympathy for Korea, most adopted a hands-off approach, more concerned with whether Wuhan or the Beiyang clique would determine domestic politics.

The reason why the British tacitly approved of Japan's annexation of the Korean Peninsula was that the Katsura Taro cabinet signed the Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance Agreement with the British government on December 29, 1907. This agreement was for ten years, and its core content was that if a country was involved in a war to defend its territorial rights or special interests in East Asia and India, the second country should take immediate and unified action in response to the war. Even if it wanted to make peace, it had to obtain the consent of the Allied powers in advance. Britain recognized Japan's supreme political, military, and economic interests in Korea.

In other words, Britain traded the Korean Peninsula for Japan's participation in the defense of India. Before the naval conference, this agreement was advantageous to Japan, since even the navy itself did not believe that the Indian subcontinent, protected by the British Empire, would need the protection of the Japanese navy. On the contrary, Japan could use this agreement to counter the pressure from the US Navy.

However, with the convening of an internal naval meeting, the Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance Agreement clearly became a huge obstacle to the future development of the navy. The navy began to criticize the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, believing that it was a dereliction of duty for the Navy Minister Yamamoto to fail to prevent the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from signing such an alliance agreement that was harmful to the navy.

Hayashi Shin-yi published an article titled "The Confrontation of Two Worlds" in the Naval Research Society's journal, thus beginning the critique of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. He argued that the alliance agreement actually became the cornerstone of the army's policy of using the sea to exchange for British support for its continental expansion, while the navy not only assumed the responsibility of defending India but also lost the opportunity to expand southward. During the Anglo-Japanese Alliance's term, the Japanese naval fleet became a servant of the British Royal Navy, losing its independent naval development strategy.

Akiyama Saneyuki posted an article supporting Hayashi Shin-yi's view. Although Sato Tetsutaro posted an article defending Yamamoto Kaisho, he also acknowledged that the opposing camps of the old and new worlds were gradually taking shape, and that Japan needed to make a careful choice about which side it should stand on, rather than just focusing on immediate interests.

Hayashi Shin-yi, Akiyama Saneyuki, and Sato Tetsutaro gradually became the main standard-bearers of naval strategic thought. Although others also wrote good articles, none of them possessed a nearly complete ideological system like the three. Among the three, Akiyama Saneyuki's naval combat theory was the most mature, Hayashi Shin-yi's articles were the most forward-looking, and Sato Tetsutaro ranked after the other two.

As Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's prestige declined, the previously unified naval structure was shaken. The series of articles by Hayashi Shinji, Akiyama Saneyuki, and Satō Tetsutaro, which revolved around the confrontation between the two worlds, quickly became the ideological theories used by the Naval Officers' Conference to promote naval development. This further undermined the authority of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and the Ministry of the Navy within the navy.

At the end of February, at a meeting of naval officers, Saito Makoto proposed a special promotion plan, which was a list of people to be specially promoted for their outstanding service in the war. When he announced the names of those to be promoted to lieutenant commander, he was suddenly interrupted by Togo Masamichi, who questioned, "Is this Hayashi Nobuyoshi from our Naval General Staff? Didn't we report the promotion to major?"

Saito Minoru replied expressionlessly, "It's Hayashi Nobuyoshi from the Naval General Staff. Personnel authority rests with the Ministry of the Navy, which has the right to adjust the promotion lists for each department. The Personnel Bureau believes that promoting him to lieutenant colonel is more appropriate..."

Togo Masamichi interrupted with dissatisfaction, "What's inappropriate about it? I think it's very inappropriate. He's only graduated a few years ago, and he jumped from lieutenant to lieutenant colonel. Doesn't that make him a target of public criticism? I don't think this is the way to cherish young people."

Has he ever respected the elderly? And you expect us to cherish him? Saito Minoru thought indignantly, but he replied blankly, "He is now an outstanding Imperial soldier, not a naive cadet in school. You can't always treat him like your student. With such achievements, he naturally deserves a promotion. Otherwise, who would be willing to serve the country?"

Kawahara Kaname frowned, glancing at the silent Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, then at the others who remained silent. After a moment's thought, he interrupted Togo Masamichi and Saitō Minoru's argument, speaking directly to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe: "Minister of the Navy, would it be better for Hayashi Nobuyoshi's promotion to be based on the Military General Staff's application? Skipping two ranks at once could cause a stir. While his achievements are considerable, they shouldn't be made public. Why should we draw attention to him..."

"But I just want him to get noticed by Yamagata and the army," Yamamoto Gonnohyōe thought to himself as he looked at Kawahara. He didn't answer Kawahara directly, but instead turned to Togo Heihachirō beside him and asked, "Togo, do you think there's a big difference between a major and a lieutenant colonel?"

On the issue of Lin Xinyi, Togo Heihachiro did not actually want to stand with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, because Lin Xinyi was too young. Not only was he young, but he also had a great reputation in the Navy. This reputation was built up by his own articles, not by his family background. This meant that as long as nothing unexpected happened, he would definitely have a place in the Navy in the future.

What does this mean? It means that once Lin Xinyi takes office, he can also carry out the personnel reforms that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe once did. When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe transferred the old men in the navy who looked down on him to the reserves, was anyone able to stop him? So why would he bother to provoke Lin Xinyi? Wouldn't that just be asking for trouble for his close junior?

However, since Yamamoto Kaisho insisted on dragging him into the vortex, he could only give an ambiguous reply: "Actually, the most difficult thing is the promotion from captain to major. This hurdle has eliminated quite a few people. The promotion from major to lieutenant colonel is just about accumulating two years of seniority. Whether they are given the promotion or not is not a big problem."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe immediately chimed in, "Since there's no major problem, let's vote by show of hands. I think this promotion is fine; we can't let a lieutenant plan the future of the navy, can we? If word gets out, the army will laugh at us..."

Ultimately, only the two votes from the General Staff were against it; everyone else voted in favor. Perhaps this rapid promotion wasn't a good thing for Lin Xinyi personally, but everyone felt the same way as Yamamoto Kaisho. They didn't want Lin Xinyi to continue lurking in the shadows and launching sneak attacks. If the army wanted to retaliate, they should target the right person.

When Lin Xinyi heard the news after the meeting, he just laughed it off. Although he quite liked to plan things from a place where the army couldn't see him, he also knew that this situation wouldn't last long. Since Ito Hirobumi had already noticed his little tricks in the navy, Yamagata Aritomo would find out what he had done sooner or later. Therefore, it might not be a bad thing to get promoted quickly and focus everyone's attention on himself.

What does this lieutenant commander title signify? Takeo Hirose, a member of the 15th Marine Class, was promoted to captain after this war, meaning Nobuyoshi Hayashi had already joined the ranks of the 16th Marine Class, becoming part of the younger generation and no longer a fledgling junior officer. To the surprise of the naval leadership, there was little internal questioning of Hayashi's promotion, because his articles published at naval seminars led the navy to consider him a contemporary of Akiyama Saneyuki and Sato Tetsutaro, making it difficult to imagine that he was actually a member of the 32nd Marine Class.

In late February, Lin Xinyi's primary concern was actually the personnel reshuffling within the cultural studies department. When the department was first established last year, no one felt it had anything to do with the navy, fearing being relegated to such an unpopular institution and relegated to a less desirable role. Therefore, everyone avoided the cultural studies department. However, as the department's work progressed, and Lin Xinyi established the navy's future direction at the Oiso Conference, it became a place where many people wanted to try their luck.

For example, before the Lunar New Year, Toyoda Teijiro wrote to Hayashi Shin-yi expressing his love for working on warships and his dislike for office work. However, after the New Year, he wrote back to Hayashi, expressing his desire to follow him and fight for the navy. Many people began using connections to get people into the academic classes. For instance, Hyakutake Gengo, who had connections with Miyauchi, and even Akiyama Saneyuki recommended his cousin Mizuno Hirotoku to Hayashi. As a result, the academic classes, which were initially short-staffed, quickly became fully staffed.

Chapter 573