Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 138

This is also why the foreign powers chose to back down after Wuhan blockaded the Yangtze River. Wuhan lacked an elite class that could be conquered, and continuing the attack on Wuhan would only escalate the war, not end it. The Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee represented the interests of the people of Hubei and Hunan, not the interests of individuals like Tian Junyi. This is why the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee dared to lay mines on the Yangtze River.

However, it is clear that not many people can truly see the essence behind these military and political affairs. Even most members of the Workers' Party attributed the concessions of the great powers and the victory in the war against Russia to the rise of national consciousness and industrial development. Even Tian Junyi could only understand these things from practice, but could not summarize them into a set of theories, which was precisely Lin Xinyi's strength.

Lin Xinyi's idea was actually no different from Tian Junyi's. The reason he chose to return to Wuhan at this time was that he hoped to take advantage of the victory against Russia to push the Chinese revolution forward. Therefore, he also hoped to sit down with the Central Committee members of the Workers' Party as soon as possible to discuss the progress of the revolution.

However, he was more composed than Tian Junyi because he knew very well that the Workers' Party at this time was not entirely based on revolutionary theory. Many people joined the Workers' Party because it pointed out a direction and continuously achieved practical results. Otherwise, many people would either still be hoping for the success of constitutional monarchy or would be too disappointed with the Qing Dynasty and join the Tongmenghui.

The emergence of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee had a profound impact on history. During this period, Chinese intellectuals were not completely disillusioned with the Qing Dynasty. The reforms implemented after the return of the Qing court won over many people's hearts, leading many intellectuals to hope that China could peacefully transition into a modern nation, much like the Glorious Revolution in England. The establishment of the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) strengthened the revolutionary party and caused some nationalists to side with the Tongmenghui.

However, the emergence of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee has led many intellectuals and nationalists to believe that the path taken by Wuhan has proven to be able to enrich the country and strengthen its military. Therefore, there is no need to expect a constitutional monarchy or choose a revolutionary party that does not even have a base. Joining the Workers' Party can achieve the political ideals they desire.

Therefore, at this time, the Labor Party was divided on whether to push the revolution forward. On the Yangtze River ship from Shanghai to Wuhan, through a telegram sent to him by Tian Junyi, Lin Xinyi had a preliminary understanding of the party's views on whether to participate in the mediation meeting hosted by the United States. The majority of people's views were obviously not on the side of revolution, but on a conservative side.

Although his standing with Tian Junyi was able to suppress the opinions of the Central Committee members, it was not conducive to the work afterwards. Therefore, after disembarking, he said that he needed to sort things out and then give a report to the Central Committee members on the issues of Tibet and India.

This proposal immediately gained the support of many committee members. Although Lin and Wu had written to Wuhan many times to report on their work over the past two years, and later even sent people back to make special reports, these letters and reports were rather one-sided and made it difficult to depict the overall situation in Tibet and India. As the person in charge of the overall work in the region, Lin Xinyi's report would naturally give the Central Committee members a higher level of understanding of the current situation in Tibet and how to get along with India in the future.

Although Lin Xinyi said he was going to compile materials to report to the Central Committee members, he actually spent most of the day having a brief exchange with Tian Junyi on the domestic situation, and then spent another half a day reviewing various domestic materials since the outbreak of the war against Russia, but there was relatively little international intelligence.

At 9 p.m., in the small building where Tian Junyi was staying, more than ten members and alternate members of the Central Committee from Hankou gathered together in the reception room to listen to Lin Xinyi's report. Hankou in September was still quite hot, but ceiling fans had been installed in the reception room and the doors and windows had been opened, so the air in the room circulated well, making it much cooler than inland India.

Lin Xinyi began his report by recounting the army's journey from Wuhan into Sichuan. Essentially, it was a summary of the past two years of military operations and a brief assessment of the conditions in the areas the army passed through. He glossed over the military operations, but described the local customs and social conditions in great detail.

The committee members listened attentively to some of the suggestions Lin Xinyi made in his report, such as incorporating Kham into Sichuan's administrative divisions and expediting the construction of the Sichuan-Tibet Highway. Lin Xinyi emphasized, "...Although we have reached an agreement with the British Indian government and established a mutual assistance relationship with the Indian People's Committee, which has reduced the difficulty of entering Tibet."

However, the British Indian government reached an agreement with us because they could not deal with our alliance with the People's Committee of India, and the People's Committee of India was willing to unite with us because we shared a fundamental common interest—anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism.

In other words, once the British Indian government finds an opportunity to divide us and the People's Committee of India, or if the British Indian government believes it has the power to overwhelm our alliance with the People's Committee of India, then they will inevitably tear up the agreements they have reached with us.

As I have mentioned in my previous reports, the connection between the mainland and Tibet essentially depends on two lines: one is the political connection between the Qing government and the Mongol princes and the Tibetan Buddhist system, and the other is the trade between mainland merchants and the Tibetan people. In practice, the economic connection between the mainland and Tibet is much more important than the political connection at the higher levels.

Political ties are easily severed by changes of regime or the death of powerful figures, but economic ties are not so easily broken. Until a replacement is found, the severing of trade between Tibet and the mainland would first cause discontent among the Tibetan people. However, the opening of the road from India to Tibet and the resulting trade between India and Tibet will gradually replace trade between Tibet and the mainland, as the road from Tibet to the mainland is simply too difficult to traverse.

Therefore, in order to maintain economic ties between the mainland and Tibet, we must establish a highway link between Tibet and Chengdu as soon as possible. In the future, we should also seek to build railways from Lanzhou to Lhasa and from Kashgar to Shigatse, thereby ensuring that Tibet and the mainland are integrated. Only by ensuring economic, cultural, and political exchanges between Tibet and the mainland can we guarantee that the Shannan region will not slip out of our control again.

The unity between the Chinese and Indian people is a necessary guarantee for ensuring the security of Tibet and Shannan. Please consider this: if conflict were to arise between the Chinese and Indian people, how many resources would we need to invest in Tibet and Shannan to ensure their security?

So what will unite the Chinese and Indian people? It certainly won't be their respective nationalism and imperialism. If that were the case, the unity between the Chinese and Indian people would have already failed without even the British Indian government's instigation…

Although Lin Xinyi was reporting on the work in Tibet and India, some committee members had already begun to draw parallels to the war in the north.

Chapter 493 The Direction of the Asian Revolution

"...The establishment of the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance is not merely to unite the various ethnic groups in Asia to build a united front against imperialism and colonialism. I also hope to build a grand economic alliance in Asia on the basis of this alliance. After all, scientific socialism itself is the theoretical guide for the practice of transforming the material world. To talk about politics without considering the economic base is undoubtedly to turn Marxism into a religion..."

The key to Asia's economic development at present is to promote industrialization. Only industrialization can enable the Asian proletariat to grow as quickly as possible. Only with the growth of the proletariat can a revolutionary class emerge to lead the anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, and anti-feudal movements in Asian countries.

Judging from the current situation in Asia, the foundation of Asian revolutions lies in the revolutionary upsurges in China, Japan, and India. Similarly, the pillars of Asian industrialization are based on the industrial development of these three countries. Revolutions and industrial development in other Asian countries can only be achieved after these three countries have made certain progress.

Therefore, we should focus our main efforts on the revolutionary forces and industrialization processes of China, Japan, and India, and devote a smaller amount of energy to the revolutions and industrial development of other Asian countries… The fate of Asian countries in escaping colonialism and enslavement inevitably depends on when these three countries break free from the control of imperialism, capitalism, and feudalism…

When discussing the Indian question, Lin Xinyi elaborated on the necessity of the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance. In fact, when Lin Xinyi, Tian Junyi, and others talked about the Chinese revolution, they had already discussed the issue of the universal connection between revolutionary movements in various Asian countries.

However, apart from a few people like Tian Junyi who accepted this internationalist viewpoint, many party members were not actually concerned about the cause of uniting revolutionary forces in Asian countries to liberate the various ethnic groups in Asia.

Some party members believe that China can't even save itself now, so how can it have the strength to liberate other colonized Asian nations? They argue that every ounce of strength is needed to save China itself, let alone to liberate other nations.

Some party members believe that China's decline in modern times was due to the Manchus' rule. How did the Manchus come to power? Wasn't it because the Ming Dynasty accepted these northern barbarians? If the Ming Dynasty hadn't helped the Manchus settle in the Northeast, they wouldn't have caused such great harm to China.

Therefore, these people believe: those who are not of our race must have different hearts. If the Han people are able to turn the tide this time, they should do what Britain and the United States did and exterminate those other ethnic groups, instead of helping them.

The few party members who accepted the internationalist viewpoint were not entirely convinced of this ideology. Rather, they knew that Lin Feng was Japanese, and if they opposed internationalism, it would mean that foreigners like Lin Feng would lose their moral obligation to help the Chinese revolution.

Because many comrades within the Labour Party did not fully understand internationalism, the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance did not receive much attention despite setting up its headquarters in Wuhan. By the time Lin Xinyi returned to Wuhan, most of the Alliance's rules and regulations were still drafts he had formulated in India. Apart from its work of accepting progressive students from various Asian countries for education and training, the Alliance made little progress in promoting the Asian revolutionary movement.

When Lin Xinyi reported on his work in India, he gave a full explanation of his idea for establishing the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance and linked the concept of the Asian economic circle with the existence of the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance, which finally aroused the interest of many committee members.

Xie Zuantai, the committee member in charge of industry, earnestly consulted Lin Xinyi on how to develop the industrialization of China, Japan, and India, and make the three countries the leaders of the Asian economy. After years of internal and external struggles, almost all of the party's top leaders realized that the force supporting Wuhan's current situation came from Wuhan's industrial system.

This industrial system in Hubei, which was first established during Zhang Zhidong's time and perfected during the administration of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, not only provided the Workers' Party with hundreds of thousands of workers with aligned interests, but also provided sufficient material supplies for Wuhan to fight against foreign enemies. Without this industrial system, Wuhan would not have been able to go north to support the Beiyang government in fighting against Russia. After all, this was a major war between nations, a contest of national strength rather than revolutionary slogans.

Lin Xinyi's victory over the British in India was due to the immense sacrifices made by the Indian people, not because Lin Xinyi single-handedly defeated the British army. Without Wuhan's industrial base, the Workers' Party would have been forced to watch as the Russian army invaded the interior, then rally the northern populace to wage guerrilla warfare against the Russians, resulting in significant losses for North China.

The difference between the Beiyang Army and the Wuhan Army lay in the fact that the Beiyang Army lacked the support of an industrial system, not in the fact that the Beiyang Army was actually less capable than the Wuhan New Army. Therefore, the current leadership of the Workers' Party has a deep understanding of the necessity of industrialization and no longer readily resorts to revolutionary slogans and desperate gambles.

Within the Workers' Party, there was a consensus regarding domestic forces like the Beiyang clique: focus on developing our own industry and then crush these competing forces through sheer strength. Similarly, to overthrow the great powers and reclaim lost national rights, industrial development was still necessary. At least when going to war with the great powers, we couldn't simply buy guns and ammunition from them to fight. This was the root of the party's desire to win a period of peaceful reconstruction.

Faced with Xie Zuantai's question, Lin Xinyi confidently replied: "The most important elements of a factory are three: people, energy, and machines. Since the Industrial Revolution began in Britain, the industrial energy sources we know of have been limited to a few types: coal, oil, steam, and electricity. The latter two cannot exist without the former two. As for the manufacture of machines, in the past, it was inseparable from wood and stone, but now it is inseparable from steel and non-ferrous metals such as copper and aluminum."

Therefore, in my view, the foundation of industrialization is essentially the energy and steel industries. If these two industries do not develop, it will be impossible to pursue further industrialization. Among China, Japan, and India, Japan has the most scarce resources, but it has accumulated more talent than China and India. India's iron ore resources, especially rich ones, far surpass those of China, but its coal mines are inferior to China's. Although China has the richest coal mines among the three countries, their distribution is very uneven, with most of the major coalfields located in the north.

However, Southeast Asia and Australia, located in the middle of these three countries, possess abundant coal and oil resources. If these resources could be utilized, coupled with India's rich iron ore deposits, the energy and steel industries of these three countries would have a continuous supply of raw materials. If we could establish a foundation for the energy and steel industries in these three countries, then their industrialization and the economic development of Asia would have a solid foundation.

Of course, to integrate the human, material, and financial resources of the three countries and establish their industrial base, a transnational organization capable of coordinating their resources is essential. The Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance is the most suitable choice. Within this alliance, China, Japan, and India will not only discuss the issue of Asian revolution but also communicate and coordinate on industrial and trade matters.

When the alliance can integrate the industrial resources of the three countries, their revolutionary forces will form an overwhelming advantage over the scattered landlord and bourgeoisie. Once China, Japan, and India complete their revolutions against their domestic landlords and bourgeoisie and establish independent people's republics, it will mean that imperialism and colonialism have lost their dominance in Asia, and that we can use the strength of these independent nations to liberate other Asian peoples.

In my view, revolution and industrialization are two sides of the same coin. Without the liberation of the oppressed people brought about by revolution, it would be impossible to achieve the industrialization of the people. Without industry, it would be impossible for the oppressed people to overthrow the reactionary class that oppresses them.

Therefore, the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance must be strengthened, and under its leadership, a coal and steel consortium of China, Japan, and India must be established. Anyone or any force attempting to obstruct the construction of this consortium should be defeated. The alliance must not only recruit revolutionary talent, but also talent in construction and scientific research, and establish a united front of revolution and production…

The establishment of an Asian Economic Cooperation Organization with China, Japan, and India at its core fills a gap in the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance. Previously, the alliance was seen as an organization where China, Japan, and India would contribute money and manpower to save other Asian nations. While the alliance brought the possibility of uniting the revolutionary forces of China, Japan, and India, the revolutionary forces in Japan were not entirely pure.

Internationalists like Hayashi Shinji are quite rare in Japan. Most Japanese advocate uniting Asian nations to resist the colonialism of Western powers, but do not oppose Japan's imperialist annexation of Korea. Although there are more socialists in Japan than in China regarding the understanding of scientific socialism, the Chinese are actually more thorough in abandoning traditional ideas.

Because current Chinese traditions are all tied to the Qing Dynasty, the rise of nationalism has allowed Chinese intellectuals to completely sever the connection between the new era and old China. Japan, however, is different. The Meiji Restoration saved Japan, and the Japanese people are filled with reverence for the Emperor.

For over a thousand years, the emperor has had virtually no power, and naturally, there has been no historical grudge to settle with the people. Therefore, it is difficult for people in Japan to accept opposition to the emperor. As a result, many socialists, while promoting socialism, have to say that they are not against the emperor, but against the current corrupt and autocratic clans and financial cliques.

The contradictions in the thinking of Japanese socialists made it difficult for them to expand their influence among the people. As a result, Japanese socialists were unable to take the lead in the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance. Although Japan's industrial population was much larger than China's at the time, the Japanese proletariat could not join the alliance as an independent force because they had not awakened to their class identity.

On the contrary, although Wuhan's industrial population is not comparable to Japan's, the working class in Wuhan has unified its class consciousness because of the leadership of the Labor Party. They neither acknowledge that the Qing Dynasty represents their motherland nor believe that capitalists support them.

As for India, to be honest, the Labour Party of India was established with the help of the Chinese Labour Party, represented by Lin Xinyi. They had not yet formed their own revolutionary theory within the Asian Union, so they could only follow Japan and China. Their main idea was to gain independence from the British, rather than to seek to lead the Asian revolution.

Therefore, the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance was still quite loosely organized and at a loss at this time. Its leadership in building the Asian Economic Cooperation Organization with China, Japan and India as its core provided a preliminary direction for the practice of Asian revolution and finally aroused the interest of the central committee members of the Workers' Party.

Chapter 494 Theory and Practice

The committee member in charge of propaganda and agitation within the party was inclined towards Lin Feng. As the creator of the party's theory, the propaganda and agitation work of the Labour Party was actually carried out within the framework formulated by Lin Feng. It was not that no one had tried to challenge Lin Feng's theory. Whether it was the theory of class struggle or the theory of internationalism, it made some intellectuals who had just come into contact with Western nationalism and statism feel uncomfortable.

Although the Workers' Party had not yet made contact with the Second International at this time, some members of the party spontaneously put forward the idea of ​​legal struggle and the supremacy of the nation and the people over class. The root of this idea was that the Workers' Party had risen too quickly, while the Qing Dynasty was too weak. Taking advantage of the opportunity of foreign wars, the Workers' Party had overwhelmed the various forces in the country in a short period of time. At this time, the Workers' Party could win even if it took legal struggle, so it naturally did not want to take the path of armed struggle to completely overthrow the old world and rebuild the new world.

As for placing class below the state and nation, this is because Europe is currently experiencing a period of flourishing nationalism and statism. Even the Second International believes that the proletariat should first be loyal to their motherland and nation, and only secondly to their class. A hundred years have passed since the French Revolution, and Europeans have not yet emerged from the illusion of the state and nation, let alone Easterners who have just come into contact with statism and nationalism.

Faced with a century of powerful European capitalism and colonialism, oppressed nations naturally could not believe that there would be anyone in these powerful European countries who would want the people of the colonies to rebel against their own homeland, even though they themselves had nothing in their own countries. There were always people who felt that these people had enjoyed the benefits of the colony.

However, those who try to overthrow internationalism and the theory of class struggle with nationalism and statism find it difficult to persuade peasants to love landlords and die for them, nor can they make themselves love the Manchu court. When they begin to advocate nationalism and statism, they also acknowledge the legitimacy of the great powers' invasion of China, because the invaders are fighting for their own country and nation.

Therefore, these party members who attempted to oppose internationalism and the theory of class struggle were quickly relieved of their propaganda and agitation work because their ideas did not conform to the party's theoretical path.

The biggest difference between the Labour Party and other revolutionary parties is that the Labour Party adheres to historical materialism, advocates summarizing theory from practice, and uses theory to guide practice.

In other words, the Labour Party's power is governed by its theory, and any practice that contradicts the party's theory is prohibited. The party's leaders must either propose theories that are accepted by the entire party, or lead the entire party in practical activities that align with the path outlined in the party's theory.

Those who attempt to occupy a high position within the party based on their personal prestige and engage in personnel struggles while ignoring the party's ideology and path will not gain the support of other members within the Labour Party. Several purges within the party were primarily aimed at these individuals.

Therefore, the position of committee member in charge of propaganda and agitation within the Party is the one with the most frequent changes, because this position is most closely related to the Party's theories. Propaganda and agitation work is essentially about connecting and interpreting the Party's theories and practical work. If they cannot understand the Party's ideals, then they are not working for the Party, but rather manipulating power to satisfy their own desires.

The reason why Lin Feng, despite rarely appearing in Wuhan, still wielded immense influence within the Party was because he was the proposer of the Party's main theories. Even though Tian Junyi was the leader in charge of the Party's overall work, he frequently had to invoke Lin Feng's theories to resolve ideological disputes and practical activities within the Party.

Therefore, as long as the Labour Party does not abandon the concept of historical materialism and does not give up representing the interests of the working class, then unless someone within the party proposes a revolutionary theory that is more in line with Chinese practice, the current Labour Party cannot ignore the revolutionary ideas put forward by Lin Feng.

Meanwhile, the committee members responsible for practical work within the party, represented by Xie Zuantai, were also persuaded by Lin Feng's vision of an Asian revolutionary alliance and an Asian economic alliance. Although these committee members supported striving for peace in order to seek a period of peaceful construction, their idea was to first integrate the industry and agriculture within the Wuhan-controlled area, which essentially meant slowing down expansion to digest the newly controlled areas.

However, Lin Feng has now proposed a new expansion plan that does not seem to require Wuhan to confront domestic and foreign forces alone. This immediately won the favor of these committee members. The reason they demanded a halt to the confrontation was that they believed the enemy Wuhan was facing had exceeded its own capabilities, and that continuing the confrontation would only cause the current favorable situation to collapse. Therefore, they chose peace.

However, for party members who have already embraced industrialization, they are actually more pleased to see their own power continuously expand, because the law of industrial development is to continuously expand its scale in order to win more markets and survive. Stagnant industry is already on the verge of decline.

During this briefing, Tian Junyi quickly sensed a shift in the Central Committee members' thinking. Having experienced so much, he was quite adept at seizing opportunities. Therefore, as Lin Feng's report drew to a close, he naturally asked Lin Feng, "Now that Comrade Lin Feng has returned, we can draw a conclusion regarding the US-proposed mediation of the three-nation peace conference. Comrade Lin Feng, what is your opinion on whether we should send someone to participate in the American-led mediation conference?"

Lin Xinyi and Tian Junyi exchanged glances. In fact, the two had already reached an agreement on this matter this morning. Now it was just a matter of him giving the committee members a reason to support their decision.

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi continued Tian Junyi's words, saying, "In my opinion, whether or not to send someone to participate in the mediation meeting hosted by the Americans is essentially asking our Labor Party whether we accept the current global colonial order established by Western imperialism."

Please remember this fact: the British and American powers supported us and Japan in confronting Russia not to preserve China's territorial integrity and peace in the Far East, but because Russia's expansion in the Far East had infringed upon the interests of the old-line imperialist powers led by Britain and undermined the global colonial system established by the old European powers.

Why did the United States step forward to preside over this mediation meeting instead of Britain, France, or Germany? It's because the European powers had formed two opposing camps: the old colonial empires and the emerging powers. Faced with rising powers like Germany and Italy, the old powers, represented by Britain and France, were already showing signs of decline.

Germany and Italy's investment in industrial technology enabled their industrial capacity to catch up with that of the old powers like Britain and France. However, the old powers, relying on their historical advantages, controlled most of the world's raw material sources and markets, hindering the industrial development of Germany and Italy. In particular, France's colonies in North Africa hampered Italy's expansion into Africa, while Germany's expansion into the Near East threatened Britain's control over the Indian Ocean.

Although Russian imperialism was among the old powers in colonial expansion, it was also among the later powers in the development of capitalism. Therefore, Russia's position has always swayed between Britain and France and Germany and Italy. Russia's expansion into the Far East this time was essentially an attempt to avoid the conflict between the two major European camps and to stay out of it.

However, Russian imperialist expansion into the Far East infringed upon British interests, effectively siding with Germany and Italy and challenging the old colonial system dominated by Britain and France. This explains why Britain supported us and Japan in confronting Russia, France remained neutral, and Germany tended to support Russia in its diplomatic strategy.

Russia's defeat cannot be considered a victory for China. In fact, if China had sent representatives to the US-led mediation conference and recognized the legitimacy of the current global colonial order, the victors of this war would have been Britain, France, the United States, and Japan.

After all, Britain and France maintained the global colonial system they dominated, and the United States and Japan could carve up the parts that Russia conceded within this system. So what exactly did Russia concede? Naturally, it was Russia's interests in the Far East, and these interests were derived from China.

In other words, if China sends representatives to this mediation conference, it will only achieve peace in the end. As for the interests that China loses, they will be divided up by other powers, because China is the prey, not the hunter, in this conference.

Furthermore, when the Labour Party agreed to send representatives to this mediation meeting, it was tantamount to losing its leadership position in the Asian revolutionary wave, because you abandoned the resistance against imperialism and colonialism and chose the path of compromise with the imperialists. How can the progressive forces of Asian nations still trust you?

The Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance will fail first, because from then on, any nation or country can use the excuse of abandoning its own revolution for its own interests and betraying the revolutions of other nations and countries. And a group of traitors cannot build an alliance.

Therefore, I oppose sending people to the mediation conference hosted by the United States. Yes, the Chinese people need peace, but what the Chinese people need is peace with the Russian people, the Japanese people, and the Indian people, not peace with Russian imperialism, Japanese imperialism, and British imperialism. To blindly seek peace without understanding the object of peace is to betray the people.

I suggest that we refrain from participating in the mediation conference, but instead call upon the Russian people to overthrow the autocratic Tsarist government and conclude a genuine peace agreement between the people that involves no territorial concessions or indemnities. Furthermore, this would be an excellent opportunity to further advance the Chinese revolution, overthrow the monarchical autocracy that has oppressed the Chinese people for thousands of years, establish a people's republic, and set an example for the people of Russia and Japan.

There has been no better time than now. The victory in the war against Russia has ignited the revolutionary passion of the Chinese people. If this opportunity is missed, and the revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses begins to cool, it will be much more difficult to overthrow the monarchy than it is now…”

Chapter 495 The Road of the Chinese Revolution

Although many committee members could not understand the signing of an equal treaty that would not cede territory or pay reparations, they believed that China, as the victim, should receive the benefits of the war since it had won. They argued that it was unreasonable for the great powers to receive benefits when they won but not pay anything when they lost.

However, the committee members unanimously agreed with Comrade Lin Feng's proposal to promote the Chinese revolution and transform the monarchical system into a people's republic. After joining the Workers' Party, the members were well aware that they had become traitors in the eyes of the court. According to history books, as long as they did not overthrow the court, the court would inevitably exterminate them once it recovered. This was the traditional politics of China: winner takes all.

Therefore, the Workers' Party was the most resolute in overthrowing the Qing dynasty. The only internal dispute was over the method to do so. Some believed that the Qing court should be forced to relinquish power through a peaceful transfer of authority, since the convening of the National Assembly in Wuhan had already weakened the Manchus to a minimum. Others insisted on using force to expel the Manchus from China, aiming not only to overthrow the dynasty but also to resolve the Manchu problem as well.

However, the country was previously embroiled in the war against Russia, so the issue of overthrowing the imperial court had to be postponed. Now that Lin Feng has raised this issue, it has naturally attracted the deep attention of the committee members, as they have been waiting for this day for a long time.

Before the goal of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty and establishing a People's Republic was achieved, other issues were naturally secondary. Even though some committee members did not agree with reaching an equal treaty with Russia that would not cede territory or pay reparations, they had to abandon their opposition to this proposal in order to successfully complete the goal of the domestic revolution. After all, at this moment, Wuhan did not have the extra resources to devote to the Far East.

However, many questions remained regarding how to overthrow the imperial system and establish a people's republic, leading to a flurry of questions directed at Lin Feng. After summarizing the questions raised by the committee members, Lin Feng replied, "It is necessary to use force to deter domestic reactionary forces, but we should use force to compel Emperor Guangxu to voluntarily relinquish power."

This morning, Comrade Tian Junyi explained the current situation in Beijing to me. I believe that the Manchu regime in Beijing has actually collapsed. There may still be some Manchu forces in some places, such as Ningxia, Xi'an and Xinjiang, but they can't even stabilize the situation in their local areas, let alone enter Beijing to protect the court.

The power of the Han Chinese governors-general and governors represented by the Beiyang clique had in fact begun to become regional warlords. Among them, the Beiyang clique was naturally the most powerful. However, Yuan Shikai was also unable to form a united front with Emperor Guangxu. The fact that the Beiyang clique could not unite with the Manchus meant that the alliance between the Manchus and the Han Chinese landlord class in the early Qing Dynasty and during the Tongzhi period was impossible to reappear.

The Party's previous policy toward the Manchus and Yuan Shikai was correct: to divide Yuan Shikai and the conservatives, to use Emperor Guangxu to purge the conservatives, and then to keep Yuan Shikai and Emperor Guangxu in opposition, thereby preventing reactionary forces from uniting against the revolutionary forces.

What we need to do now is to formally break the framework that allows reactionary forces to unite, and that framework is the existing Manchu court. As the ancients said, "If the name is not correct, the words will not be proper." As long as this Manchu court exists, the foreign powers and the Chinese landlord class can use the name of this court to suppress the revolutionary forces.

This is also one of the reasons why I do not advocate sending representatives to the mediation meeting. As long as we agree to send representatives, these representatives will naturally be the representatives of the Manchu court, because the legitimate government of this country is still the Manchu court.

After eliminating the conservative forces within the court, the internal conflicts had been greatly eased. Allowing the court to send representatives to the mediation conference would allow it to regain the recognition of the foreign powers and rebuild mutual trust. In essence, the armistice agreement was a mutual recognition between the foreign powers and the court.

Then, the foreign powers and domestic reactionary forces can unite through this court. Although the court is currently just an empty shell, with the support of the foreign powers and the conservatives having withdrawn from power, there is no longer a fundamental conflict between the landlord class advocating reform and the foreign powers. Therefore, this empty shell can soon be filled and eventually become the stronghold of the reactionary forces.

Once reactionary forces at home and abroad unite, the forces currently in the Party's control will not be able to easily defeat this coalition. Even if we ultimately achieve victory, most of China will be reduced to ruins, which is a loss that should be avoided at all costs for both the Chinese revolution and the Asian revolution.

To avoid this loss, we must break the united front of reactionary forces at home and abroad before they unite, and establish a united front of revolutionary forces at home and abroad. This is the root cause of the call for the Russian, Japanese, and Chinese people to jointly conclude an equal treaty that does not cede territory or pay indemnities…”

After Lin Feng's further explanation, the committee members finally had a clearer understanding of the Party's main tasks at present. Even though some committee members were still somewhat uncomfortable emotionally, they had to put aside their personal feelings when it came to the question of whether the Chinese revolution could achieve victory.

After all, Lin Feng raised a very real problem: to force Russia and Japan to withdraw from Manchuria and the Far East, and to force the great powers to recognize China's independent and complete territorial sovereignty. In reality, Wuhan could not do this at the moment; otherwise, people would not have thought that they should accept the mediation proposed by the Americans.

To support Cai E's plan to cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway, Wuhan invested a total of 100 million silver dollars and nearly 70,000 troops. In addition, about 200,000 able-bodied men were put into the logistics and transportation to maintain the battle. That is to say, for every soldier, there were three able-bodied men responsible for logistical support.

This doesn't even include the additional 30 million silver dollars allocated to Wuhan in August to support Fu Cixiang's Manchurian campaign. Although Wuhan performed admirably in the war, its finances were nearly exhausted, and further investment in the war would harm Wuhan's economic development.

In fact, given China's current capabilities, it would be quite difficult to hold onto Outer Mongolia and Manchuria. The reason Russia was able to invade Manchuria and Outer Mongolia was that Russia was in a phase of rapid industrialization. Farmers in Europe and Russia were going bankrupt under the wave of industrialization, so Russia could relocate these bankrupt farmers to the newly occupied frontier regions. By developing these new frontier regions, Russia also provided a market for its industry. The Trans-Siberian Railway was less for Russia's military purposes and more for representing the connection between Russian industry and the source of raw materials in the Far East.

If China wanted to control Manchuria, it could still establish economic ties between Manchuria and the interior through railways inside and outside the Great Wall and shipping on the Liao River. However, China's backward industry could not take the lead in developing the economy of the border regions. Therefore, the deployment of troops in Manchuria and Outer Mongolia was more of a waste than a gain.

With the situation in Outer Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Manchuria already unstable, attempting to occupy the Russian Far East would quickly deplete China's already limited resources. Moreover, Wuhan is currently struggling to even unify the areas within the Great Wall; how can it possibly concentrate its main efforts on the border regions?

After Lin Feng clearly presented this fact to the committee members, everyone came to their senses. As long as they could not resolve the issue of development and control in Outer Northeast China, there were only three options left for the region: recognize the rule of the Tsarist government, recognize the occupation by the Japanese government, and recognize the autonomy of the local people. Obviously, the last option was the one that would benefit Wuhan.

The purpose of the party meeting was to solve problems, not to vent emotions. After careful consideration, the committee members finally acknowledged that Lin Feng's proposal was, at least for now, the only feasible solution. As long as the Far East was not controlled by the Tsarist and Japanese governments, then at least Outer Mongolia and Manchuria would become safe, and the Workers' Party would have the opportunity to concentrate its efforts on solving domestic problems.

However, since Lin Feng proposed to overthrow the Qing Dynasty and establish a People's Republic, the committee members also inquired about how this People's Republic should be established. What everyone was concerned about was how to deal with the Beiyang government after the republic was established.

Faced with this question, Lin Feng was clearly confident. He quickly replied, "On the goal of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty, we should at least get Yuan Shikai on our side. As long as Guangxu is still the Qing Emperor, the conflict between Guangxu and Yuan Shikai cannot be resolved because they cannot reach a mutual trust. We can suggest to Yuan Shikai that after Guangxu relinquishes power, we should elect him as the first president of the Republic..."

Lin Feng's proposal caused an uproar in the room. If there were few opponents to Lin Feng's previous suggestions, this time it was opposed by almost all the committee members. Everyone disagreed with allowing Yuan Shikai to reap the greatest victory after the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty.

After Lin Feng quieted the committee members down a bit, he continued, "The reason I advocate for Yuan Shikai to serve as the first president of the Republic is because the upper limit of the Beiyang clique is actually very low."

In my opinion, Yuan Shikai was actually an ancient man. He neither understood what revolution was nor what political ideology was. He only knew how to conquer and rule the country.

What does it mean to seize power? It means to overthrow the Qing Dynasty and become president. What does it mean to rule power? It means to make this president a new emperor and ensure the continuation of the Yuan family line.

Therefore, once Yuan Shikai was in the presidency, he would naturally try to further control the Beiyang government and place his cronies within the new regime. This action would inevitably provoke resentment from the various factions within the Beiyang government.

What we need to do is prove one thing through Yuan Shikai's actions: the landlord class is incapable of establishing a republic; they will only try to build a new dynasty. Through the struggle against Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang clique, we will shatter the alliance between the bourgeoisie and the landlord class, thereby further awakening the masses and making them aware of the necessity of establishing a workers' and peasants' government…”

Chapter 496 The Post-War Order in Northeast Asia (Part 1)